Constraints, Exceptions and Representations

Abstract

This paper shows that default-based phonologies have the potential to capture morphophonological generalisations which cannot be captured by non-defaul theories. In achieving this result, I offer a characterisation of Underspecification Theory and Optimality Theory in terms of their methods for ordering defaults. The result means that machine learning techniques for building non-defualt analyses may not provide a suitable basis for morphophonological analysis.